Yavatia

The International Yavatiat, known more commonly as Yavatia, is a coastal patch of land controlled and operated by CHLCO Global, a political international aiming to bring the entire world into a cultural era of craniomodernity. The territory serves as place to exemplify the benefits of CHLCO's flagship policy, constantisation, by showcasing what a society without property, hierarchy or central government would look like. As a result, Yavatia is almost completely shut out from the rest of the world - foreign tourists may only visit through specialised tour programs or with special visas issued by the CHLCO membership of the nation of the person demanding the visa. Yavatiak citizens may roam freely around their nations on the free Y-Transat network, and as a result cities in the conventional sense do not really exist in Yavatia. Leaving and entering the territory must be done via a few checkpoints, including into bordering nations Torberia and Renavina.

Other nations around the world, especially ones with CHLCO, constantist or pro-const governments, sometimes have their own Yavatiats within their territory, in particular often connected to Yavatiak embassies. These are designed to emulate Yavatiak society for their own respective countries and regions. Within Yavatia itself, the territory is divided in two: Outer Yavatia, which is on the mainland, and Inner Yavatia, which is an island to the west, only accessible by boat.

Aqurnisand
Aqurnisand, the legends of the First Era of the territories now within Yavatia, has been dubbed as Yavatia's most important cultural work, with many even placing its importance above The Yavatia Principle. Much of it is purely mythological and not based in historical fact whatsoever, but much of it tells the historically verifiable development of the Aq tribe and their connection to the area.

Before the start of time, there was no world nor life, just the spirits and souls of the void. However, this all changed when many of the spirits came together with such force the tore a ripple in the void, creating a tidal wave of water, water which washed up particles that the spirits collected and assembled to create the pregnant goddess, a "Mother Earth" type figure. When they were done, some of the spirits populated and inhabited the body, which consequently came to life, with a cough blowing out the atmosphere and skies in her first breath, then lying down to give birth. As she gave birth, her children became the ancestors to all of the animals and creatures of the world, feeding from the flowers of their mother goddess.

The Aqurn and their creatures, in legend, were chosen by the goddess to be directed up to her breast, as the mother goddess was concerned that the other groups of people and animals were being too rough with her and could not be trusted to feed from her more sensitive organs. As a result, the Aq were separated off from their fellow beings during an age of hardship, volcanoes and earthquakes resulting from the mother goddess giving birth a second time. When the Aq reached their current lands, they found the region so fruitful that they stayed there permanently to live in harmony with the land. This is when the great heroes and sages of the Aq began to emerge - those who developed new ways of giving back to their mother and creating rituals to bring her people together.

Some of the Aq still believe that, one day, the mother shall give birth again, to new creatures and peoples. Others believe that the spirits who power the mother will someday come to inhabit themselves, and that when an Aq tribesman dies, they in turn become a landmass themselves of some sort. There is a lot more to the creation myth than all this, but not much else is relevant in trying to chart Aq history.

It is also noted that the Aq did, at one stage, come into brief contact with the Jaturnians, around the time they also first came into contact with the Deikunder Renavinans. However, the Jaturnians completely vacated soon afterward, leaving little a trace (in reality, it is thought to be due to desertification and changing climate) - the Aq see this as a sign from the mother that the other tribes did not respect her properly.

Deikunder Arrival
The Aq had, for now thousands of years, been completely cut off from the rest of human society, as they inhabited only a tiny fertile region surrounded by barren, extreme climates and occasional volcanic activity. It is for this reason that the appearance and language of the Aq is so distinctive from the rest of Velizkan civilisation. However, after the downfall of the Morfeyran Empire, tribes began to move west for the first time since. In the first century AME, the first settlers arrived in present-day Renavina, and settled near to the Aq, with whom there was now some interbreeding, and the Aq temporarily expanded northeast slightly. Some of the first ethnic Renavinian peoples emerged in the following centuries, and in the 4th century, a group of early Renavinians voyaged southwards to settle in the lower hills nearby the Aq, who called themselves the Deikunder.

The Deikunder inhabited the east half of present-day Yavatia while the Aq took the west half, and there were raids at first against the Aq, but these quickly died down as it became clear that the Aq and Deikunder had very different lifestyles - the Deikunder focused on minerals, nomadism and warfare while the Aq were pacifistic, stationary and fruit gathering. In fact, the Aq began to value the Deikunder as a buffer to tribes to their north and east, and this respect gradually became mutually reciprocated.

Renavinan Hegemony
In the early 800s, the peace however became disturbed again, as Renavinian tribes began to unite in one mass horde. The Aq were pushed out of their northernmost lands to behind the river Yisoma. Initially, despite unification being a stubborn process, the Deikunder joined the horde and brought the eastern half of Proto-Yavatia into its territory. The Deikunder were especially known for their speed, skill and surprise on horseback when attacking the enemy. Nonetheless, the Deikunder soon became alienated within the horde due to their broad resistance to the religion of Duoism, which many Deikunder bands simply refused to accept. This tension led to a schism within the tribe: the Duoists stayed in the northeast, the original natural religion proponents went south, some into the desert. Half of the North Deikunder tribe, however, would break away from Duoism again after just a hundred years, instead forming a rock cult in the east, with Duoists remaining in the west of the northeast region.

By 1100, Renavinian hegemony over the Deikunder was already waning and was extremely volatile. Pockets of independent tribes were springing up everywhere around the area, and forceful subjugation attempts were met with guerilla tactics. The horde left the region, entrusting pro-Renavinian bands to rule a client state in their stead, but this was petty and weak. Other, stronger Deikunder bands from all directions continuously raided anything they deemed to pro-Renavinian, and were in turn occasionally raided by the main horde themselves.

Meanwhile, the Aq at this point were facing a new threat, as they were being raided on their coast more and more frequently by a group of pirates from the Giour islands called the Namasdoans, forcing them to move further inland. They again became next to the Deikunder, and were swiftly incorporated into the rebel cause. The Ice Plague, which luckily barely reached Proto-Yavatia, gave the tribes an opportunity to finally drive out the majority of Renavinan influence.

Pirate Conquest
When the Renavinan Horde finally started to collapse in 1410, the differing Deikunder tribes participated in the civil war as an attempt at a land grab, as well as in revenge for various Renavinan raids against Deikunder rebels. However, upon the conquest of Renavina completely by Namasdoans in 1425, the Deikunder finally were at peace (aside from with each other seemingly...). Driving the Namasdoans up north and over to Inner Yavatia, the Aq and Deikunder were able to reclaim the southern and western coastland, as well as an amount of southern Renavina.

Eventually, after having established a proper kingdom, the Namasdoans eventually responded, resulting in a series of wars labelled in hindsight as "Yavatiak Wars" by Renavinians, despite being still far off the founding of Yavatia. These tensions would largely be summed up in occasional raids, along with a few battles in southern modern-day Renavina.

Cutali Settlement
Throughout all this time, Inner Yavatia had never really secured many inhabitants. The Aq, despite being the closest historical indigenous tribe to the island, barely ever populated it themselves as the conditions were slightly less fruitful to sustain the Aq way of life. Nonetheless, the Namasdoans established somewhat of a base at the northern tip of the island all the way back in the 6th century, although they were few permanent settlements on the island still. When some of the Namasdoans took over Renavina, those still on the island continued their pirate way of life and continued hostility with all neighbouring groups of people, despising the Kingdom, the pacifistic Aq, and also the band-tribe-nation structure of the Deikunder.

Jumping to 1837, however, the island was found by a small boat of Cutali intended slaves, who had mutinied against the Obradinians transporting them to central Velizka. Torberia did not want to get involved and so denied them refuge but let them pass through their territory, and Nasabrea reacted with hostility to the Cutali ship. Inner Yavatia was the first island the many trafficked Cutali could find home on, and they settled around the southern tip of the island. As to be expected, they were repeatedly harassed and attacked by the Namasdoans, who almost wiped them out in various occasional raids; the Cutali did however befriend the Aq on the mainland for their prosperous pacifism, and became competent at self-defense.

The Deikunder, no longer one specific entity, at this point had contact with much of the whole world. The Cutali outpost saw the birth of the craniomodern and Cutali rights movements from afar, and in 1902 they volunteered to host an international Yavatiat in an arrangement with the Aq and CHLCO. Given that the Deikunder nation that now was completely splintered, and the Namasdoan pirates too, were not initially on board, this was initially controversial. However, the first Yavatiak immigrants arrived in 1902 to push the Namasdoans off of the island, constantising Inner Yavatia by 1917. In 1909, CHLCO elected furthermore to include some mainland territory in Yavatia, and the Aq, Vash, and all the ex-Deikunder mountain tribes eventually were convinced into accepting the arrangement. By 1933, Yavatia had now reached the form we know it for today.

Lana Nikograt Yra
Lana Nikograt Yra, known by many Yavatiaks as Lana Ura, was a Siliksiyan-born intellectual, activist and theorist, who is widely regarded as the mother of craniomodernity on Rivesteka, and the author of The Yavatia Principle, the founding text of Yavatia. Lana was born in a smaller town in the province in 1848, and lived in Nikograt with her parents for the first 16 years of her life. Her father, Lev Vledav Mari, had grown up in relative poverty, but rose to become one of the first radical intellectuals of the Obradinian Empire. Lev's work was some of the first appearances of modernism in political theory, and would arguably be a partial inspiration behind the Varisk and Vyddrin governments of socialist Sentryzija. His theory claimed that the pursuit of national interests, for the nation to survive, would inevitably require modernisation - and the popular grassroots premise of modernisation would empower and appease growing power of trade union consciousness, hence his famous quote, "The national class must choose: socialism or destruction".

From a young age, Lana's intelligence was recognised by her father, and she was educated thoroughly in her father's philosophy, as well as critical thinking and scientific method. At age 15, she was already well-known within the radical community as a fierce proponent of her father's theory, especially when her father was temporarily arrested a year later. With her father away, she had to support herself, and found work directing a radical think tank for the modernisation of institutions of education, childcare and orphanages. However, as director, she began to stray from and question her father's theory, as the modernisation she had once seen to be a path to liberation was actually only transferring alienation onto a racial variable against the segregated children of Cutali communities.

In 1870, now aged 22, Lana renounced modernisation and modernity completely as an insufficient diversion, citing the demand for Yava ("liberation" in Cutalic). That year, she published her first and most famous work, The Yavatia Principle. Instead of the supposed determinism of her father's theory, Lana saw that education and child-rearing in general needed to be redirected to reshape human nature to found a new movement for freedom and progress. The principles set out the ideas of communism, constantisation, craniomodernity, and intellectual perpetuity. Whilst its focus is on world craniomodernity, the book also announces support for a "social palisade", or the construction of an ideal model society, to speed up this process. Immediately, the book becomes infamous within the radical community and Socialist Party, and gains a small amount of followers.

Lana, along with some of her supporters, decides to launch an orphan charity called "The Lovers of Yavatia", which aims to produce this societal model using orphans and a more humane orphanage system. The at first seemingly inconspicuous charity soon gains many volunteers and lots of orphans, disadvantaged children and children of intellectuals for their project. Lana travels the world, starting chapters of the charity everywhere she goes, and being seen by many as a humanitarian icon as opposed to a political icon. Loved by many, she becomes a respected global figure and amasses a large following behind her book. Her further book, The Social Palisade (1879), reiterates the need to establish what she calls "Yavatiats", culminating in an "international Yavatiat". She also writes a memoir and humanitarian book, Travels (1886) based on her experiences.

Her public image drastically changes however in 1890, when the original, Obradinian chapter of her organisation proclaim their now massive orphanage to be the "Obradinian Yavatiat". Suddenly, she again becomes more of a political figure than a humanitarian one, and becomes the subject of many conspiracy theories. She receives even further controversy when, in 1891, she publishes On Cutali Liberation, in which she calls out the colonial oppression and slavery of the Cutali people. From 1891 to 1896, she serves a sentence in prison for her writings, and by this point has become a rallying figure for a growing revolutionary movement. However, after leaving prison, she becomes more a symbolic presence than a leading one in the constantist movement.

In 1902, the craniomodernist movement elects to form an international Yavatiat, with large, independent territory. Lana at first is somewhat skeptical of logistics but accepts the result, and by 1903, is in complete support of the ongoing procedure. As she had won medals in Torberia for her humanitarian work in the past, Lana becomes an important diplomat in helping to ensure the Yavatiak settlers are not overrun by Renavina, and have allies in the area. Lana settles with and lives amongst a Cutali community on Inner Yavatia for the remainder of her life, which sadly ends of natural causes just over a year after news reaches to her of the revolutionary victory in Obradina.

In the last part of her life, Lana becomes extremely important in linguistics, helping to flesh out the Yavatiak language and also develop Keefescript / Keefespeak. Her books, written in Obradinian, are translated by her into both languages, as her final project. Lana dies in 1920, aged 72, and is deeply mourned by her followers and admirers all over the world. She never married, nor mothered any children of her own, but fostered many orphans as part of her activism.

The Lovers of Yavatia
In 1870, The Lovers of Yavatia were formed by Lana Ura, Gina Obratograz Mirabel, and Frieda Wilvik, three internationalist women who at this point were all based in Obradina. The organisation was designed as a charitable non-profit, raising money and providing support, education, and a better life for orphans and disadvantage children. As in its first years, the staff were all female, the Obradinian Empire did not at first see them as threatening, and were in some places even funded by local authorities to expand into their areas. Lana Ura's book was widely considered to be the inspiration for the project, but it was nonetheless seen as apolitical, voluntary, and harmless by most in the early years.

In 1871, the organisation opened up an orphanage in Troiya, and then branches in Morfeyra and Torberia in 1873 and 1875 respectively. In 1876, the central Obradinian branch voted (under the leadership of Gina) to reform its constitution to include male volunteers, and to centralise operations into large orphanage complexes per region. The other branches followed suit, while Lana Ura went around bringing the movement to other parts of the world. Further branches were set up in other countries on the continent: However, the popularity of the organisation was placed in jeopardy with the founding of CHLCO in 1889, in which the Lovers of Yavatia became a constituent organisation. The increased politicization led to an immediate ban on the organisation in Troiya, and the Troiyan orphans and staff fled to Sued. In 1890, it got even worse when the massive crowded chunk of land owned by the Obradinian branch declared itself as the Obradinian Yavatiat, causing the Obradinian Empire to again banish the complex to Sued again, which was then proclaimed as the Sued Yavatiat. The Torberian Yavatiat was established in 1895 just outside of Torberian borders, to stop the same issue from happening, and remains in the same place today. All the other branches also attempted to form Yavatiats on the 20th year anniversary in each place, and were unsuccessful in Aspayn but tolerated elsewhere. Caluvina also started its own branch in 1899, on its own accord, forming a Yavatiat after just 15 years.
 * 1879: Aspayn
 * 1881: Varla
 * 1884: Sued
 * 1885: Kranyzija
 * 1887: Smontanya
 * 1889: Krazenja

Esgaard Kanedaar, often thought to be the brains behind the Obradinian and Troiyan Yavatiats (and their subsequent escapes), became a key political figure in the movement and the most well-known proponent of the Lovers of Yavatia specifically for his time, especially with Lana's arrest and subsequent decline. Continuing where Lana left off, Esgaard secured additional, regional Yavatiats for existing branches between 1895 and 1906, with a grand total of 45 operating Yavatiats or to-be Yavatiats (in the case of the two projects in Caluvina) operating worldwide by 1906, involving massive numbers of participants. Most Yavatiats were also doubling for multiple nations, especially the Torberian Yavatiat (the singular largest Yavatiat by this time), and Yavatiats in Morfeyra and Sued.

1906, however, created major issues for the early Yavatiats due to the tensions of the war between Obradina and Troiya, which led to evacuation of most of the Sued Yavatiats and the first period of mass migration to Inner Yavatia. From the Obradinian revolution forward, however, and the eventual founding of Sentryzija, the remaining Sued Yavatiats mostly returned to Obradina, Kostenia and many other provinces with either communist leanings or a large orphan population. In 1933, Aspayn reopened itself to Yavatiats, and Ozpetrovina did the same in 1934. Troiya is the only remaining country where Yavatiats are completely illegal, although some do exist illegally - but these have nothing to do with the Lovers of Yavatia, who stick to international law, but another potentially CHLCO-affiliated organisation.

The Lovers of Yavatia still exist as an organisation up to this point, and are one of the largest and most historically significant craniomodernist organisations in CHLCO. However, since the resolution of 1902, direction of all Yavatiats have been in the hands of all members of CHLCO collectively, as opposed to just the Lovers of Yavatia. From 1900 onwards, Yavatiaks also began to appear on other continents besides Velizka.

Foundation of CHLCO
While the main thrust of the worldwide constantist movement in its early days was unquestionably directed through mission work and praxis, as opposed to political involvement, political organisations, groups, and unions, did in fact exist in the Obradinian Empire, as well as elsewhere around the world. Lana Ura's father, Lev Vledav Mari, had became extremely influential within the trade union movements of the Obradinian Empire and surrounding nations, and whilst he never accepted constantism himself, Lana had become somewhat known in Union circles through him. The first specifically constantist trade union was formed in 1873, named the "Workers' Constant". Furthermore, amongst the Socialist Party (which Lev had also been deeply involved with), attempts to convert the party to Lana's program were often proposed, but continuously failed at this stage, including in 1870, 1873, 1880, 1885 and 1889.

The first specifically constantist party, however, was actually outside of the Empire. Morfeyran communists, after the establishment of an orphanage by Lana in 1973, came together to form an underground constantist political party in 1880, known as the Constantist Party of Morfeyra. It remained very small, and whilst it tried to grow in influence and legality, it only succeeded to a small extent. Its failure to incite a change of policy in the Obradinians' Socialist Party upon its creation, was perhaps the most notable thing about it for around 20 years or so. Perhaps more interesting was the growth of constantist ideals in academic circles, many students of the time and professors being initially quite curious, and later supportive of The Yavatia Principle, in particular upon attempts to ban the book at various points across Velizka. Others came to the ideas through being part of Workers' Constant or the Socialist Party. Nonetheless, student and academic reading groups for Lana's writings started to spring up, although there is little explicit record of what these groups did.

In 1889, however, everything would change, due to the then-leader of the Constantist Faction in the Socialist Party, Carel Obratograz Alna. Carel, taking over from his entryist predecessor Poznal Vasnin, was a union man, and decided that the same old entryist tactics needed to change if constantism was actually going to become a political force. He was, however, slightly controversial, as Lana Ura feared his method might serve to sever relations needed for the Lovers of Yavatia to retain their orphanages. Undeterred, Carel took various trips across the country and even to other parts of the continent, to take establish central communication between all of the various constantist entities across the world. This had become a more difficult task upon the implosion of Workers' Constant into many smaller unions, but nonetheless Carel took that year to note down all the successor unions. His records were burnt, upon his wishes, when he died.

Carel's project came to fruition that next year, when he invited all of the Obradinian groups to a coalition, known as the Obradinian Coalition of HyperLeft and Craniomodern Organisations. Its principle aim was to take control of the Socialist Party, but it also founded the Independent Constantist Front party as a 3rd party alternative. Six months later, after some deliberation, the Lovers of Yavatia joined the coalition, turning them into a distinctly political organisation as opposed to merely a charitable one. This turned CHLCO into a much larger presence, as the Lovers of Yavatia made up half of all CHLCO membership after joining.

The CPM immediately reached out to the Obradinian CHLCO after its foundation, leading to CHLCO going international after three months of its existence. In other countries, leaders did what Carel had done in uniting all constantist entities under one central coalition, to ensure coordination and democracy. Carel invented the liquid democratic structure as imagined in The Yavatia Principle as a means of organising CHLCO in 1891, something that is still used by CHLCO today and has become a decisive characteristic of Yavatia. Prior to this, organisations had voted as blocs, and this had caused infighting between different parties and unions with each other.

CHLCO spend the next many years growing and coordinating support for new Yavatiats, sometimes by trying to make their way into mainstream politics. However, they almost completely abandoned the Socialist Party in 1906, to create the Communist Party, in the Obradinian Empire. In 1902, they received full control over all operations of the Lovers of Yavatia, and complete control over governing the new International Yavatiat - a prospect that divided CHLCO for quite a while, and still does to a much lesser extent (National Constantism is still present in factions of CHLCO Global today). By far their largest historical success comes from their influence in Cutal.

Expansion
By 1900, Lana Ura and her movement was well-known, not only as a philosophy, but also as a humanitarian force, and a group firmly advocating Cutali rights. Ever since the death of Carel Obratograz Alna in 1894, the main CHLCO figureheads began to look for a place to implement an international Yavatiat, as Lana Ura had once prescribed. Meanwhile, on the Aqurn Isle, a group of Cutali refugees and some members of the peace-loving Aq tribe were fighting for their own survival against raids from the Namasdoans. The stage was set for something major to occur in the development of constantism and its application of The Yavatia Principle.

While Carel, a patriotic Obradinian, never really envisioned the formation of a Yavatiak territory (in particular one resembling a colony), the increasing majority of CHLCO members were slowly turning away from National Constantism, towards this new prospect. After Carel's death, there wasn't really any other major individual figurehead for CHLCO - his liquid democratic structure apparently seemed to serve its purpose - and so international vs national constantism quickly became the main debate within the community. There were radicals for both sides who tried desperately to create or sabotage plans for an international Yavatiat throughout this period, and despite the NazConsts initially having larger numbers, they had more resources at their disposal. Freed Cutali activists were in particular keen on the International Yavatiat, as they had no wish to stay in the empire which had caused them such trauma, and so various Cutali activists made the dangerous trip over to the Aqurn Isle in attempts to bring them on board with the plan. Furthermore, whilst never confirmed, it is widely accepted today that the internationalist lobby was taking secret funds from both the Obradinian socialists and the empire itself, both of whom feared what CHLCO was becoming and its influence over the people. Relocation would mean that attempts to overthrow the party or the empire would no longer be the priority.

In 1902, the Cutali residents of the Aqurn Isle formally petitioned CHLCO to incorporate them into an International Yavatiat. The next month, CHLCO voted to officially accept the offer, although many older members were more sceptical of logistics, and wary of the potentially colonialesque image. However the vast majority of younger members were in favour - and within three years, many of the doubters had changed their minds to support Yavatia too, such as Lana Ura, who moved there in 1903. With them, the new residents brought supplies, and means to protect themselves, making Yavatia sufficiently prosperous throughout its earliest years.

Due to adequate defenses, the Namasdoans were gradually pushed off the island, or subjects to constantisation with the rest of the Yavatiak residents. Constantisation was barely necessary for the primitive communist Aq, but essentially worked like a Yavatiat to prepare the other citizens for compatibility with the system. Firstly, all those on the Aqurn island itself, known by this point as "Yavatia", were relocated to the mainland, where CHLCO had set up a state in cooperation with the residing Aqurn tribes, known as the "Common Government". The Common Government was less prosperous, as every citizen had to work very hard to provide its surplus to Yavatia for free, protect Yavatia from Namasdoans, and educate those who wished to progress to Yavatia.

However, CHLCO approved an even more controversial ruling in 1909, by massively expanding the Common Government to incorporate the lands of the Deikunder and Vash. This was initially very controversial, but with territorial additions in 1909, 1911 and 1912, CHLCO came to control the entire territory it controls today. In 1917, CHLCO started to shrink the Common Government and expand the Yavatiat, due to the numbers of people who had achieved constantisation, and by 1933 there were no more immigrants left to constantise. The Common Government, by this point solely located where the Torberian Yavatiat is today, was formally disbanded and annexed into Yavatia. Since then, constantisation has occurred in foreign Yavatiats, and the current immigration system that exists today was put into place. The Yavatiat's governance closely resembled that of a CHLCO-affiliated organisation - partly as it was, indeed, a constituent part of CHLCO.

Age of Development
The Yavatiak Age of Development is often categorised as from 1933 to 1966, when Yavatia became fully autarkic, self-sufficient, and free of any national debt. Even though development was at first incredibly difficult to retain cheaply, CHLCO had to maintain that the Yavatiaks live in surplus, so as to maintain the necessary conditions for post-scarcity communism. As a result, CHLCO ended up transferring their own resources and support away from national political movements, and instead finding some way to foot the bill for Yavatiak infrastructure, which focused on promoting a more automated, sustainable infrastructure for providing for the citizens, as well as funding massive research and education campaigns to improve the technology to facilitate these things. However, CHLCO resources and regular donations still were insufficient for the majority of this period in sustaining Yavatia. The NazConst faction, which had drastically declined in the 20s and 30s, saw a brief resurgence in the 40s in likening Yavatia to a Ponzi scheme (an assertation which would become proven false by the 50s. Lucky for Yavatia, however, was the population, which was under a million throughout the 30s, and helped reduce the cost a bit.

As a result of needing support and funding, Yavatia embarked on a campaign that it would become known for - Yavatiak missions. The Yavatiak Foreign Service was first established in 1936, and became a major part of the Yavatiak national purpose. Yavatiaks who temporarily left on missions performed humanitarian aid, worked with local CHLCO organisations, and founded media entities, among many other things. Inger Hardin was one of the first famous Yavatiak missionaries, and though selling books abroad about Yavatia, he massively increased the number of donors to the Yavatiak cause, and people wishing to participate in the Yavatiak project. Aside from the missions, Development Age Yavatia was largely neutral as it didn't want to aggravate any nation to invade. The two exceptions were its neighbours: Yavatia had a frosty relationship with Renavina for "killing Hiski [Ghan]", and a very productive relationship with Torberia, who helped protect Yavatia from the Renavinans at points of border tension. Troiya viewed Yavatia with heavy suspicion, as did Vyddrin's Sentryzija, although a lot of Yavatiaks and Sentryzijans felt a certain kinship to each others' political models and their intentions. Yavatiaks around the northern border had been supplied with watchtowers and arms so as to defend themselves should the Renavinans cross the river.

Life in Yavatia during the Age of Development was a relatively "simple, yet idyllic" lifestyle. Very little of the territory was built up at all, and most people travelled around by bicycle. Hence, most essential were provided on a community level, and beyond making sure those were provided, the day of a resident in that time mostly was filled up with playing with family members and the community, enjoying the natural landscape, and thinking and studying. There were not the grand cultural attractions there are today, and travelling across the territory at will to experience all the different cultural identities you can today was not as common during this period, due to travel time. This does not mean there weren't those who drifted between communities, however, but nomadism was nowhere near as easy as it is in Yavatia nowadays. GST also began to become popular in the late 50s.

The Yavatiak Explosion
The 1960s were massive years in Yavatiak history. In particular, 1966 to 1969 are often referred to as "The Yavatiak Explosion", as they saw a much quicker rate of compounding population, the completion of massive infrastructural projects, and a complete change in how Yavatia was seen on the international stage. No longer would it be seen as a "project", a "Ponzi scheme" or a "work in progress", but as a considerable Velizkan power. Life for the citizens drastically changed too - by the end of '69, Yavatia had turned into a high-tech, automated nation, with massive constructed cultural and recreational attractions for citizens, and easy access to practically the whole of the territory within only a day's travel.

There are a lot of different analyses as to why the late 60s were so fruitful, but it is usually assumed that it was thanks to the amount of research and the increasing work and education force Yavatia amassed within the 50s and early 60s. Yavatia had been home to small, cultural universities since the first (Lana Ura University) in 1911, but by far the most important university would be opened in 1961 - Jyorg Sonul University. Sonul Uni was conceptually extravagant, in a manner that would become the Yavatiak aesthetic from the Explosion onward, but its most characteristic feature was that it was completely purist to GST, or Global Scientific Tradition. As a result, it is often portrayed today as the symbol of intellectual perpetuity. It became the site of masses of hugely important scientific projects, including most famously in evolutionary genetics, atomic physics, and the development of computing, among other international projects. Often Yavatia would invent these technologies in collaboration with other countries such as Sentryzija and Torberia - the most notable being the development of nuclear weaponry which started from GST scientists in the late 50s, but became extremely prevalent in the 60s. Other projects went decisively against the international current.

The most well-known example of the latter was, as the rest of the world focused on developing commercial flight, Yavatia and GST instead put its concentration onto high-speed rail. In 1968, the first free high-speed rail service was available for Yavatiaks to use for the first time, which enhanced the residents' sphere of mobility and only increased enthusiasm for deterritorialisation and GST. The Y-Transat would be continuously added to for the next 20 years, to the point where nowadays everyone is within cycling distance from a rail line. Much of its construction was made from the 50s to the 80s by human labour, but increasingly its construction has relied upon human-built machinery. Another major project which was finished in 1967 was an electric railing on the northern border to protect Yavatiak borders from any raiding from Renavina - this was extended to include the Torberian border and the development of the Yavatiak Coastguard in the 70s. Yavatia also renovated its power grid during the Explosion, transitioning to wave power and geothermal, alongside attempts to improve solar and wind as prospects.

In foreign relations, the Explosion saw Yavatia lose its neutrality, and become far more involved and partisan in international affairs. Following a liberalisation under Poroz in Sentryzija, Yavatia joined the OFPS in 1969, and CHLCO reverted to its old prioritisation of national politics, given that Yavatia was now self-sufficient. Exports from Yavatia became massively increased during the Explosion.

Yavatia Today
In the 15 years since 1970, Yavatia has continued along the same trends emergent in the Yavatiak Explosion. The focus on education and research, as well as cultural study and spheres of mobility for the population, has continued, and the number of residents immigrating to Yavtia continues to compound exponentially. The construction of Yavatia's one high rise building, as well as built-up areas generally, has given citizens the opportunity to try a more urban city lifestyle since 1974. Newly constructed archive buildings and cultural centres have become extremely common finds throughout the territory, and Yavatia continues to accept residents and political refugees as per its unchanged immigration policy.

Mission work is now more popular than ever, and millions of Yavatiaks engage with constantist causes abroad at some point during their lifetime. However, as it appears more frequent and more political than ever before, this has caused a lot of controversy. Matilda Benes, one of Yavatia's most celebrated and famous missionaries, was famously put on trial at one point while in Troiya, accused of (among a list of other fabricated charges) abuse of children and being part of an International Yavatiak Conspiracy to take control of the world - something that has become an increasingly prominent conspiracy theory in relation to Yavatiak media, mission work, and political involvement, suggesting that Yavatia is wishing to subvert governments all across the world who might otherwise oppose and resist a grand "master plan". Nonetheless, Benes was released and still continues missionary work to this day, although the Troiyan government still entertains an anti-Yavatiak slant.

Yavatia has also had fluctuating relations with the OFPS, due to Sentryzija's Variskist revolution in 1977 resulting in the banning of the constantist Communist Party of Sentryzija. However, since 1980, this minor dispute has been resolved, and despite often threatening to do so, Yavatia has not left the OFPS since joining in 1969. Relations with the Cutali government have similarly fluctuated as the CHLCO-affiliated party drifts in and out of power, and Yavatia have recently started supporting attempts to form a Yavatiat in the state of Zenvoit.

The latest planned upcoming infrastructural project for Yavatia is to attempt to design, through computing, an alternate platform through which to organise the liquid democratic and open forum media structures, without having to rely on print handouts or the Yavatiak phone line, which has served the territory for its entire existence and probably needs an update. As for the future of Yavatia in the long-term, Lana Ura's goal of constantising the world through Yavatia, which would gradually expand to encompass more of the world, is still the main long-term aspiration of the Yavatiaks. The constantisation of Renavina, for instance, which would incorporate the lands of other Renavinan peoples as well as the Deikunder into Yavatia, is for example something advocated by the Constantist Party of Renavina.

New Age Yavatia Scenarios
As of yet, it is still undetermined which of the following endings should be considered canon.

Digital Ending
In late 1985, CHLCO elects to embark on a new infrastructural project in designing a new technological framework for coordinating both Yavatiak democracy and mission work. Researchers at Sonul University invent a modified, encoded network of Internet signals and pages, dubbed the "Yavatiak Rhizome," or the Y-Rhizome. As of late 1986, Yavatia recalled all of its missionaries from abroad to work in mass-producing devices capable of accessing the Y-Rhizome for every single CHLCO Global member. However, many within the Yavatiak population began to express annoyance that the project was falling mostly on them, with very little responsibility for the CHLCO members outside of Yavatia.

In 1989, tensions came to a head, when a makeshift group in Yavatia threatened to cut their support for the project entirely, prompting the current Chancellor at Sonul and Y-Rhizome spokeswoman, Massanin Gruvitnik, to negotiate a meeting of project coordinators to reassess aspects to the agenda. From this meeting emerged the "New Protocol for 1990," which would see much initial support both inside and outside of Yavatia. This involved the deconstantisation of Petterslan Point, a small, mostly swampy peninsula in the southwest corner of Yavatia. As per Gruvitnik's plans, the land was terraformed and a large industrial complex was built therefore, for non-constantised CHLCO members to come and work on building these devices - as part of their payment, they would be able to take one home. The New Protocol also placed heavier reliance on mining and industry in Cutal and Zenvoit, both of which were constantist-aligned but far from fully constantised.

The New Protocol of 1990 may have eased some of the rift in Yavatia, but for CHLCO members outside of Yavatia, the Y-Rhizome Access Plan changed from a favourable way of integrating them closer with Yavatia, to a questionable and controversial agenda. Some constantists accused Yavatia and its new turn towards "Gruvitnikism," to be Yavatia acting in an almost imperialist manner. A few renounced CHLCO and Yavatia entirely, leading to a resurgence of NazConst movements and ideologies (in particular in Sentryzija). In 1992, Cutal's CHLCO-aligned party was forcibly removed from power, leading to a mass airlift of Yavatiak workers and sympathists from the country - however, as some were not constantised, these people were deported to Zenvoit's common government immediately after landing in Yavatia, causing international embarrassment.

Yavatia, throughout the 90s, invested heavily in Petterslan Point, turning it from an unused swamp, to a major, crowded industrial site, of over two million people from all around the world. Petterslan had its own internal administation and functioned as a city state with a market economy, only accessible by boat or air. Due to limitations of space, residents would become packed into very tall skyscrapers for housing. In 1995, Yavatia granted the Petterslan administration surrounding lands to serve as a Petterslak Yavatiat (Outer Petterslan), so that residents could be gradually allowed to transition into the rest of Yavatia. Nonetheless, Petterslan remains heavily overcrowded.

The project was finally completed in early 1999, by which point much of the mass-production had shifted to automated machinery, and every CHLCO member across the world was granted a device to access the Y-Rhizome, except for in a few nations which deliberately intercepted distribution. Yavatia's liquid democracy officially switched to the Y-Rhizome as an e-democratic framework for the start of the year 2000.

Renavinian Ending
By the late 1980s, while Yavatia remained inspirational to many constantists, CHLCO members, and sympathists, the ubiquitous presence of Yavatiak volunteers and media was noticeably stirring a growing anti-Yavatiak reaction among conspiracists and those scared of constantism. The mission programme now at its peak, there was a sharp increase in anti-Yavatiak attacks and activism to convince national governments to take action against Yavatia-affiliated projects and organisations. After a particular assault on a Yavatiat in Morfeyra in 1988, CHLCO approved the formation of a Yavatiak Foreign Legion, comprising of armed militias and militias for the defense of Yavatiak interests. Any CHLCO member inside or outside of Yavatia was permitted to join and receive Yavatiak funding and equipment.

Naturally, this would cement worldwide concern about Yavatia becoming more geopolitically involved, and perhaps upsetting existing power dynamics, though in reality the YFL was quite small and decentralised. Some groups, such as the First Kuuro Saardye Battalion, thrived off the controversy though and made a large show of their presence in wars and civil conflicts across the world. Saardye himself, a shrewd academic and military strategist, was Yavatiak but had spent much time abroad in Cutal, advising Cutali constantists. The Battalion itself was led by Meker Gerat, a towering Yavatiak-born Cutali man with a distinctive booming voice and uncompromising attitude. However the FKSB was far more active and vocal than any other group within the YFL, leading to it being classified as a terrorist organisation by a few staunchly anti-communist countries and an oft-cited fixture within conspiracy theories.

Entering the 1990s, many within the anti-Yavatiak movement decided to relocate to Renavina, in order to try and persuade the leadership there to launch an attack on Yavatia. Yavatia, in response, also decided to concentrate its efforts on Renavinian politics, backing anti-corruption movements, Northern Deikunder rights groups, and constantist groups, in an attempt to move the situation into their own favour. For many of the small Deikunder Renavinian minority north of the border, there was a sense of "reconciliation" of the divide posed by the border fence, and Deikunder Yavatiaks were welcomed into the homes of their brothers and sisters while advocating for Yavatiak interests in Renavina. The political parties United for Deikunderia and the Constantist Party of Renavina reached an arrangement in a meeting organised by Yavatiaks in Yísoykar in 1991, to collaborate in making some form of Deikunder reunification a priority. Together, they also entered a broader opposition front against the Renavinian government, that would prove instrumental around the impeachment events of 1992.

By 1993, the potential of a Renavinian assault on Yavatia had clearly subsided and was no longer perceived as a threat by CHLCO. Ever since then, there has been increasing talks between Yavatia and Renavina about gradual unification through constantisation, with the possibility of Renavina serving as a "Common Government" in the meantime. While Yavatia and the Deikunder on both sides are very eager and optimistic to make this a reality, many Deikunder people seeing this as a logical next step, the new Renavinian government has been non-commital so far and has expressed need for further agreements assuring closer protection of Renavinian cultures and the Duoist religion should constantisation ever be considered as a policy. Talks are ongoing.

In 1999, CHLCO formally voted in favour of Renavinian constantisation and subsequent unification, however this largely meant nothing and was mostly ceremonial, as a referendum on constantisation in Renavina itself has not been held, and as such there is no reason to believe closer incorporation of the two countries to be imminent.

Pan-Kartalian Ending
In 1986, Yavatiak and Torberian representatives met on the border of the Torberian Yavatiat, so as to discuss a Torberian-led archaeological campaign to discover lost secrets of the ancient Jaturnian civilisation. The discovery of new artefacts in the Vashlands appeared to suggest that an offshoot of this ancient civilisation had in fact populated the Vash deserts until far later than previously thought. The Torberian government, which strongly identified with the Jaturnian civilisation and culture, wished to send in an expedition to locate and investigate these new discoveries, along with the supervision of Yavatiak universities and scholars. This meeting, while held relatively secretly in Torberia, was widely publicised on the Yavatiak side, leading to an explosion of interest in Jaturnian culture. Despite the excavations not taking place until 1989, in 1987 the Yavatiaks voted to launch a major project to build a Grand Jaturnian Museum on the edge of the Vash deserts, which would be designed to be an immersive and extremely expansive experience of all documented aspects of the civilisation and its history. The museum building was planned to be one of the single largest buildings in Yavatia, for context - and would take many years to design, construct and put together.

However, this revival of interest in Jaturnian roots was seen less favourably by some other Yavatiaks. Most notably, some Aqurn groups (who had documented experiences with the Jaturnians in their oral history) felt that their own contributions to the known history of the Jaturnians in proto-Yavatia was being underacknowledged. In Aqurn mythology, the Jaturnians had vanished due to their lack of care for the land, and the glorification of Jaturnian civilisation above the Aq was seen by some as an endorsement of a more callous treatment of the territory. Similarly slighted were the Deikunder, who contested the common portrayal of Renavinians during that era as being equivalent to barbarians or "lesser Kartalians." On the contrary, some historians of Deikunder and Renavinian descent claimed that in truth, both Jaturnians and Renavinians had a lot of similarities as early Kartalian cultures and societies at that time, but the latter was less well documented and so has not received the same historical appreciation.

By the late 1980s, Deikunder activists were therefore trying to revive greater interest in old Deikunder-Renavinian history. This led to some meetings on the border with members of the Deikunder community north of the border, and even members of the Renavinian government in 1990. The aim quickly became to push emphasis upon a pan-Kartalian identity that would unite all speakers of Kartalian language groups around a few shared central cultural tenets, history and mythology. Among Renavinians, this was particularly popular as it made their own history perceived to be more impressive, and over the 1990s, Renavina would work to expand its influence in Vihraril, Kalasvinian and Deikunder circles with the intention of eventually trying to take the role of a pan-Kartalian superstate (Torberia and Morfeyra wanted nothing to do with notions of pan-Kartalianism at this stage; however Renavina's intention would be for the momentum from the formation of such a state to prompt interest in the two nations to want to join in).

In 1996, Yavatia decided that should Renavina attempt to pursue a pan-Kartalian state with various Kartalian groups from Ozpetrovina, the Deikunder should be allowed to join them, so long as Yavatiak Deikunderia remain constantised as a pan-Kartalian Yavatiat. This would be in turn part of a major restructuring of the Yavatiak experiment, in which Aqu, "New West Jaturnia" and Inner Yavatia would also gain a ceremonial independence, but with open borders and continued direction by CHLCO (in other words, the difference would mostly just be how the maps look). Nonetheless, we are still yet to see if such a pan-Kartalian state will ever come into being as of the year 2000.

Geography and Infrastructure


Yavatia is mostly fertile land, but there is a desert along the coast of Outer Yavatia. Whilst Yavatia does not expand into the mountains, the northeast is considerably more hilly and mineral-rich than the rest of the mainland territory. While the centre and west of the mainland are more marshy land, the southeast is largely forests and meadows, and is the most populated area due to the Torberian checkpoint. There are many established buildings for lodging, cooking, eating and so forth dotted around almost everywhere throughout the territory however, to be used freely by the citizens when they are in such an area, as well as warehouses for clothing and other necessary facilities.

The island of Inner Yavatia, which goes by many different names, is quite mineral-rich and is home to a lot of natural wildlife. On the way over to the island from the mainland, there is also a tiny island just off the Inner Yavatiak coast, which is mostly used for the purposes of charting who comes onto the larger island. The other island of sorts within Yavatiak territory lies just south of the desert, however it is very arid in temperature and few people live there for long time periods.

Yavatia has a good few notable natural landmarks. Its largest hill, although not very considerable in comparison to neighbouring countries, is surrounded by very picturesque rolling hills in a circle around it, almost as if in a formation. The rocky peak to the hill, therefore, has become the subject of symbolism for many of the existing cultures based around that area. To others, the fruitfulness of the flatlands and bay they surround, or the Yavatiak cliffs near to the border with Renavina, also have cultural relevance.

Due to the nature of the Yavatiak project, the population of Yavatia is quite sparse, which has however led wildlife to prosper. In terms of major infrastructure, Y-Transat is the largest man-made project in the territory given its speed and coverage, although close to the bay in particular, there are a good few small, town-like constructions with many murals and buildings, for architects to use as their canvas should they please. There is one major high-rise building in all of Yavatia in this area, although there are also many crude watchtowers dotted around the territory that one can climb up for the view, some of which are taller than that high-rise. Another major infrastructure project is the Yavatiak phoneline, which has become crucial to the Yavatiak liquid democracy.

The borders of Yavatia are only traversable through a certain few checkpoints, as the rest of the border lies behind strong electric fencing. This is partially because the nation has no standing military, although arms are available for the citizens in case of emergency. The fencing is placed against a massive wall, to prevent Yavatiaks from accidentally electrocuting themselves, but is deemed necessary so as to make sure that the experiment is not sabotaged. The Yavatiak coastguard is also a common volunteer job, so that refugees and can be directed only to temporary designated zones before they can be transferred to an embassy, and to avoid invasion. Should the fencing be disturbed, it is taken as a declaration of war against Yavatia.

Due to the lack of cities and towns in the usual sense, parts of Yavatia are labelled in zones, each with a 4-letter combination. Each zone has its own democracy, as do most social groups and communities.

Foundational Principle
Yavatia exists so as to prove a few certain hypotheses laid out in its foundational text, "The Yavatia Principle": The Yavatiak economy is designed to be a model for the world to see, as to how to maximise freedom to produce abstract thought, develop culture forward, and engage with and live by what we philosophically determine to be most ethical and best for humanity generally. Due to the application of the hypotheses to this objective, Yavatia is definitionally communist. The people all have equal access to shared collective property (without individual private ownership) and control production, distribution and exchange of commodities (goods and services), by a liquid democracy where everyone gets a vote - and determine legislation and regulation through that same process. Each community and social group has a liquid democratic platform attached for decision making within it, with only a very few being impossible to leave on volition. As a result, Yavatiak supply chains are extremely localised, as most production, distribution and services are decentralised, community-level liquid democracies.
 * that communism, or more specifically a classless, property-less, equal society, is not incompatible with human nature
 * that liquid democracy, or more specifically a direct democracy where one can delegate one's vote on a certain subject temporally, is as efficient as representative democracy and fair as direct democracy at the same time
 * that the largest obstacle to communism, or more specifically the developed subconscious instincts, behaviours and motivations under hierarchies towards perpetuating said hierarchies, are traversable through constantisation (thoroughly conditioning the subconscious mind throughout childhood)
 * that communism frees people from market forces and allows them focus on cultural pursuits, discoveries, and abstract thinking and philosophy instead of overproduction (aka. intellectual perpetuity)
 * that communism provides a better quality of life, advances academic development, and increases happiness for those living under it
 * that craniomodernity, or more specifically the cultural movement encouraging constantisation, intellectual perpetuity and acknowledging the power of social conditioning, is a good cultural movement for humanity to embark upon

Political Demographics
Often it is assumed that, because Yavatia was founded around singular philosophy with a consensus on preferred political and economic systems, there is little to no debate and discourse as to the politics of Yavatiaks. It is true that every Yavatiak resident is a member and potential lawmaker in the one political entity, CHLCO, and in that sense the principles of anti-hierarchical, anti-proprietarian democracy are agreed upon. However, different political positions lay claim and support to craniomodernity and the Yavatiak principle on the whole, and often have different ideas as to ideal social views and practices.

The hyperleft, or constantist movement, was and continues to be an integral influence upon the politics and purpose of Yavatia. Ideas of shared prosperity, equality, and unity are very favourable to the left and working-class interests around the world, and it was from this perspective that "The Yavatia Principle" was even written in the first place. The majority of Yavatiaks therefore are extremely progressive and tolerant politically, and want craniomodernity so as to pose a worldwide cultural movement that will adequately counter and fix social injustice. Certain elements of how this should be enacted are still disagreed upon and argued by the many political journals, newspapers and magazines of Yavatia, and some craniomodernists (especially Yavatiak volunteers and non-resident CHLCO members) disagree with the concept of Yavatia entirely, rejecting the artificial and utopian nature of its conditioning, instead of trying to provoke a genuine cultural movement in each country of origin. Pro-Yavatiak contantists, however, argue that the conditioning must be done behind a "social palisade" (i.e. away from hierarchical society), in order to demonstrate that constantisation does work if people try hard enough to locate and challenge reactionary elements to their subconscience, especially when raising children.

Some far-right groups and organisations also support Yavatia and constantisation, as they believe that the principle of intellectual perpetuity would bring their own nations and cultures into a new golden age, and above competing cultures. Whilst this does at first glance seem to contrast the anti-hierarchy elements to Yavatiak society, these "esoteric communists" take a more national-anarchist position, and argue that cultural supremacy does not always require subjugation. These advocates are a tiny minority of Yavatiak residents, but they are often the most culturally purist ones, and tend to be much more conservative and less open to reforming their adopted culture. Torberians and Sentryzijans who do not stray much from their old traditional cultures when in Yavatia are sometimes speculated to hold this political position.

Self-evidently, the values and practices of one's culture also play a major role in shaping their place in the political debates of Yavatia. Peaceful coexistence between all of the varying and emerging cultures, however, has been present throughout the entirety of Yavatia's history, as without hierarchy or precarity, there has been no need for divisive competition.

International Alignment
Yavatia is involved in non-aggression pacts with any nation that is prepared to sign them, and alliances with diplomatic partners in case of war or opportunistic attack. Currently, Yavatia is also a member of the Organisation for Peace and Solidarity (OFPS), in solidarity with other parts of leftist movements around the world. However, in terms of active support, it considers itself neutral, and would refuse to go to any organised war of any kind. In terms of trade, Yavatia's imports and exports are extremely few and far between, but the few that do occur are determined by demand through the liquid democratic system. The Yavatiak currency, the Unit, is used only ever for this purpose, and is designed to be a neutral, non-fluctuating currency that will not lose value - again its wallet is controlled collectively. In order to facilitate this, Units are a rare currency used in trades, and Yavatia tries to keep a hold on them as much as possible.

The Yavatiaks also have a special relationship with their neighbour, Torberia, who guarantees Yavatiak independence so as to prevent unlimited Renavinian expansion. This special friendship has continued even through the days of Torberia's most oppressive dictators, and is extremely wholesome generally. Contrastingly, their relationship with Renavina is somewhat grudging due to previous raids performed by the Renavinans against the Aq, and against Yavatiaks prior to the building of the fence on the Yavatiak side of the Yisoma River.

Deterritorialisation
Some analysts and theorists see Yavatia as a force of historical, cultural, and social accelerationism. Historical, in the sense that it hastens the demand and appetite across the world for a craniomodern era; cultural, in the sense that intellectual perpetuity allows more opportunity for cultural contribution; social, in the sense that it can be used for purposes of deterritorialisation. From the late 1960s onwards, Yavatia has become a tool for the newly emerging advocates of deterritorialism, and it undoubtedly is a major influence on much of Yavatiak society today, albeit resisted by many.

In 1967, philosopher Mo Krazny published one of the first deterritorialist texts in history, Libero-Fundamentalism, in which he claimed that the commodification and alienation caused by liberal economics was actually a good thing, and that the market was essentially an expression of a higher intelligence and rationality. The fact that it was destroying elements of social interaction, and warping existing society into a quantifiable, heartless world, he argued, was actually a good thing, as it was doing away with hinderances to overall technological and sociocultural progress by embracing the more intelligent system.

When Krazny came to Yavatia on a tour in 1970, he met with the now-famous Yavatiak-born intellectual, Jyorg Sonul. Sonul and he talked for an uninterrupted 17 hours about the topic of deterritorialisation, and then the next year, Sonul published The Death of Protocol, now considered the world's most influential deterritorialist text. Sonul's theory fused deterritorialism with Lana Ura's theory of intellectual perpetuity, arguing that liberal economics actually reterritorialises more than deterritorialises (i.e. enshrines certain human practices and desires into staunch protocol), due to the internalisation of all the increasing elements of hierarchy and its effect on what human nature is. His goal would be to use Yavatia's conditions to completely destroy enshrined protocol entirely, and leave the human race free to pursue desires and rationality in a more free, holistic, exploratory, direct and satisfying way.

With the increased popularity of deterritorialisation, or removing set desires and activities from specific actions, places and procedures, many Yavatiaks have strongly taken to ideas of postgenderism and postracialism, construction of their own personal cultures from scratch, pluriculturalism, and other attempts torewrite further aspects of their own nature and social order. Sonul has been proven right - Yavatia can essentially serve as a blank slate for culturelessness, new cultures from scratch, and holisticism (ability to adapt without entrenching or forming protocol), should a Yavatiak person want it to be, and Yavatiaks have the liberty to organise individually or collectively culturally to whatever model works best for them, through the guarantee of collective economics and egalitarianism.

Critics argue that this is not in fact the case, however, as the human race is one thing a Yavatiak citizen cannot legally retract from - hence CHLCO Global decisions through liquid democracy must still be met.

National Constantist Movement
National Constantism, sometimes known as Anti-Yavatiak Constantism or NazConst, is a political position taken by a small but vocal minority of global CHLCO members, who wish to promote craniomodernity and use constantisation to bring communism to their respective countries, without engaging with an international Yavatiat. There are many constantist parties and factions across the world that take an anti-Yavatiak platform, and those organisations are in CHLCO, but are much less popular generally than pro-Yavatiak constantist parties. Most NazConst entities are associated with the hyperleft still, however some associate more with the far-right. None affiliate with the Lovers of Yavatia organisation.

The early anti-Yavatiak position within CHLCO actually commanded a large amount of influence back in the early 1900s. When the International Yavatiat was first announced in 1902, many CHLCO members opposed it because it appeared to echo colonialism: most of the people who would be part of the new Yavatiak territory were from central Velizka, and the territory proposed was inhabited already by different peoples and cultures. Even Lana Ura, a strong believer in an international Yavatiat, fell under the sway of some anti-Yavatiak influences in CHLCO, due to concerns of forced constantisation or displacement of indigenous peoples, land expropriation, and the potential for hierarchy or conflict to arise and disturb the experiment on this basis. However, on affirming the complete support of the Cutali and Aq people affected for the project, Lana and most fencesitters would move away from the anti-Yavatiak position by 1905.

In 1909, the same argument came back to prominence when the less enthusiastic mountain Yavatiak tribes of Deikunder were to be incorporated into the newly proposed "Outer Yavatia", however again it started to wane (though not as dramatically) upon the increasing refutation of the indigenous population against the anti-Yavatiak position, especially with the benefits of the secured border to keep safe from Renavinian raids. This concern still exists today however for a small amount of anti-Yavatiak constantists, though is very rare (albeit more common than in its lowest point in 1907) and since the late 1970s has been accused of being hijacked by ethno-nationalists as a means of coaxing leftists towards an anti-Yavatiak position.

While some of the more individualist far-right members of CHLCO are pro-Yavatia, a large proportion of the far-right advocates of constantisation oppose the international territory. This NazConst position often centres around the idea that the international environment and removal from ethnic homelands might lead to the loss of national cultural identity, their "pure" genetics, etc. This campaign really heated up in 1976, when NazConsts launched a propaganda campaign to try and switch CHLCO towards national constantisation, making use of more left-wing-appealing arguments for their case to hide the obvious dogwhistles in their undertones.

Other NazConst factions, mostly those from the left, are less hostile to the Yavatiat but wish to pursue national constantisation for pragmatic reasons. For Cutal, for instance, where the constantists have been in government for along time, the trauma of their people's history has resulted in a need to fix things at home in relative isolation. Part of their argument also is that, once Cutal is constantised fully, the international Yavatiat will have essentially expanded - without this expansion, some Cutali argue, craniomodernity and communism won't spread anywhere near as fast or as efficiently across the world. After all, leaders could always resist allowing the communists back home and keep the incoming majority population in these crowded areas otherwise. Constantisation is compulsory in Cutali Yavatiats however, where it is voluntary in almost all other countries, leading to its own criticism.

Another anti-Yavatiak perspective is similar, and is largely attributed to a faction of the Communist Party of Sentryzija. This attitude plays more on the criticism that liberal economics and modernity must always be smashed in revolutions if we want to constantise fast enough or commonly enough to end suffering as soon as possible. It is more a critique of Yavatia's working, friendly partnerships with non-leftist nations than a critique of the internationalism however - though this argument does often pair with other NazConst perspectives. They argue that, as good as the model Yavatia shows off is, those in control of anti-const nations will never fully embrace craniomodernity willingly, and siphoning off all its supporters to the international Yavatiat might prevent potential revolutionaries from instead overthrowing the systems they started out in. There are also a few CHLCO members who are sceptical regarding the Yavatiak model of encouraging the rise of craniomodernity (demonstration of the consequence and its benefits). They argue either that this demonstration could be perceived as condescending and hierarchical against workers, which would be anti-communist, or that those workers won't be impacted by this demonstration until something affects them personally.

The majority of CHLCO, however, support Yavatia, as they see that in the current time, demonstration and voluntary participation on an amicable basis with existing countries is, at the current time, the only way constantisation can be sustained at its fastest rate worldwide. Especially with the efforts to remove or deterritorialise things like race, ethnicity or nationality as divisive social constructs, pro-Yavatiaks strongly insist internationalism to be a vital part to the cause which constantisation nation by nation risks losing - which could theoretically allow the perpetuation of division, tribalism, and hierarchy.

Nuclear Weaponry
With the rise of Global Scientific Tradition in Yavatia in the 1950s, academics, scientists, and other researching hobbyists became very interested in finding the building blocks behind matter. This led to much discovery about genetics and evolution in biological circles, but in physics it also led to the isolation and experimentation on the atom. Through Yavatiak atomic physics, the nuclear weapon was conceived, created and tested, in a collaboration between the Sentryzijan government (who wished to use it to end the Cold War with Troiya) and researchers at the newly established Sonul University. For the Yavatiak scientists, this was done in the hope that Vyddrin would look more favourably on Yavatia and hopefully use Sentryzijan victory over Troiya to allow Yavatiats to open in Troiya and encourage constantisation.

However, the research was not in the public eye perhaps as much as it should have been, as the people (including the scientists) didn't really know quite how powerful nuclear weaponry would be. This meant that decisions regarding nuclear proliferation and usage from the 1960s need to be viewed in appropriate context, and most residents of Yavatia did not give their own input on these decisions because they did not believe it would concern them. All of this meant that these decisions were made mostly by the few scientists who were on the nuclear program itself, and there were various factions between them:


 * The Sentryzijans, and many of the scientists, especially those more in favour of Variskism, wished for Sentryzija to have sole control of the weapons, as Yavatia had no need or wish to have such weaponry, but would benefit from an end to the Cold War.
 * Other scientists believed that the nuclear weapons would be far more powerful than anticipated (and they were right!), and so it was too dangerous solely to be under Sentryzijan control. Instead, they believed that Torberia, a neutral nation that at this point had arguably the closest relationship to Yavatia and performed a protective role, should also have nuclear capacities to limit Sentryzijan power.
 * Many people also advocated aborting the project completely, or cutting the Sentryzijans out from the research group, as they did not want such a weapon to exist. However, this was opposed by many GST intellectuals for fear it may stifle atomic research, and that cutting off Sentryzija might provoke an unstable Vyddrin to turn against Yavatia or seek its destruction.
 * Some advocated that Yavatia hold the weapons themselves and lease them out to nations accordingly. This was harshly opposed by most people who stood by Yavatia's original promise not to have a military force.
 * One particular scientist, Pawel Hidnwlov-Zthagreden, believed that nuclear weaponry should be used by Yavatia to destroy what he called "the old world", rebuilding it all as a Yavatiak paradise. His ideas caught on mainly only amongst fiction writers.

In the end, one anonymous scientist from the second faction ended up smuggling the plans over the Torberian border, hence preventing Vyddrin's planned invasion of Troiya, as Torberia did not want to see nuclear war upon testing the weapon themselves, and so held theirs as a deterrent. To this day, Yavatia is still somewhat divided as to whether he should have done that or not, as was the following Sentryzijan government of Poroz.

The concept of nuclear war became something that a lot of academics and writers would comment on during the 1960s and 1970s. One particular series of novels and later films by Yavatiak novelist Ryand Arlen posed a post-apocalyptic picture of survivors attempting to withstand the catastrophe on the southern beaches of Yavatia. He received much adice from the scientific community as to make his setting more realistic, and pretty much settled the nuclear debate where it existed in Yavatia. PHZ and Arlen would go on to have an infamous debate on the subject in 1979 about the future of nuclear weaponry.

Accusations of a Grand Conspiracy
While it is not entirely clear who started the main conspiracy theory levied against Yavatia, it has existed for the entirety of the territory's history, and has been continuously disproven. Nonetheless, it is a very common theory amongst anti-Yavatia activists and ideologues in other parts of the world. The main aspect to the narrative is that Yavatia's secrecy is to hide malicious experiments that are performed on citizens, and/or a secret evil pedophile cabal, and/or attempts to weaken foreign national institutions so they are weak to invasion by whoever their enemies happen to be. Conspiracy theorists believe that Yavatiak missionary activity is a cover for child abuse, indoctrination, microchipping, human experimentation etc., and that Yavatiak infiltration and control of media is the reason why these crimes and atrocities go unrecorded and unnoticed, as well as the only reason anyone would support Yavatia in the first place.

Deeper versions of the theory focus on specific individuals, events, organisations, and so forth. In Sentryzija, some point to CHLCO's original goals or Lev's connection to Lana as a means of "proving" the constantists as puppeteers of the "murderous socialist regime". In Torberia, some point to the Yavatiak connection as proving that the government is somehow compromised or blackmailed by malicious forces in a conspiracy. In Renavina, Yavatia is actually a cover for the Deikunder's anti-Duoist heresy, which secretly has been trying to advance the agenda of evil. In the United Ameline Territories, Yavatia has apparently tried to sow conflict by intentionally causing the Ameline Goldrush, etc. Many theories contain explicitly bigoted tropes about the supposed inferiority of the Cutali, which apparently the Yavatiaks are using to their advantage. Others focus on deterritorialisation as being the destruction of religion or culture or whatever, and allege that Yavatia wants to turn the world to GST.

The conspiracy historically has roots right from Lev's activism in the Obradinian Empire, as the Empire were hugely against the trade union movement and the Socialist Party. Gradually, this became more focused on Lana and the Lovers of Yavatia after the declaration of the Obradinian Yavatiat and the founding of CHLCO. A variant of the conspiracy was even adopted by NazConsts when Yavatia was founded, namely that Yavatia was designed to sabotage constantism and take advantage of it. However, the conspiracy really started to take off after the Yavatiak Explosion, as Yavatia began to play a more defined revolutionary role in international politics.

Militias
Yavatia lacks a standing army. It is part of the governments official policy to not maintain an army, in the interest of anti-militarism and anti-authoritarianism. Despite this, Yavatia still has a military, albeit not a government owned one. Instead power to defend Yavatia is devolved to Community Yavatiats, who are expetced to form militias made up of volunteers. The militias follow a direct democratic command structure wheere officers are elected based on skill and how trusted they are by their soldiers. During times of crisis or war the militias are able to join a national command structure known as the Yavatiak National Defence Association, an independent national body intended to help organise militias in a wider context. The most famous, or infamous depending who you ask, is the Hiski Tágh first fighting force, a Deikunder militia based around the sub-Yavatiat of Ridäkunágh. Yavatia has only been in 2 wars during its entire existence, with both being very short and only lasting a matter of weeks. The Renavinian-Yavatiak war of 1916 and the Torberian-Yavatiak conflict of 1943.

The Renavinian-Yavatiak war began after growing tensions over the status of the region of Deikunderia, a region straddling the Yavataik-Renavinian border. Although things were mainly peacrful, there was some animosity between the Deikunder Constantists and some sceptical Deikunder who resisted constantisation. These tensions set the background for the war and were used as a justification by the Renavinians who claimed they were "liberating a Renavinic people from East Velizkan settler-colonialists". The Renavinians crossed the border early in the morning of the 3rd April 1916, quickly occupying key river crossings on the Yisoma. However local Yavatiaks had been expecting the invasion and had organised a military and gathered arms in the preceding weeks. The militia with superior tactics and superior Sentryzijan weapons began to push the Renavinians back over the Yisoma, resulting in the Battle of Ëtpva pass. It proved a decisive Yavatiak victory, making the Ridäkunághfirst fighting force, renamed later in 1917 in honour of Hiski Tágh, world famous. The war also turned many of the Renavinian regimes supporters and sympathisers in Yavatia and Sentryzija against them. Renavinas loss against Yavatia has been cited as one of the number of causes which lead to the Renavinian great purge in 1917. The Torberian-Yavatiak conflict was arguably started by the Yavatiaks. The Constantists of the Torberian Yavatiat were infamous for their militancy and criticism of the broader Yavatiak societal trend of non-confrontationalism. In early November of 1943 the Torberian Armed Forces and the Torbero-Yavatiak Peopeles Militia began skirmishing along the border. Things would come to ahead on the 1st of November when Torberia, tired of the agitation, would issue an official declaration of war and quickly occupy the Torberian Yavatiat. The invasion sparked a crisis in the country and the Yavatiak National Defence Association immeditaley began a mobilisation of its constitutent militias forces. However, although the Torberian Yavatiat had been overrun the Torberian army were still taking heavy losses. The TVPM had continued its operations even under occupation, utilising Guerilla tactics. On the 1st of March the Torberian army withdrew from the Torberian Yavatiat and the TVPM retook control. In the days following the withdrawal tensions were high, and a second larger Torberian force was believed to be on its way. However, during the brief period of peace the Yavatiak diplomacy committee called for an immediate meeting between the 2 countries leaderships. The meeting proved fruitful and resulted in tensions being smoothed and Torberia recieved a favourable trade deal, with Yavatiat exporting grain and clomnot to Torberia for a low price. This slightly weakened the Unit but in the long term this has been seen as a worthy sacrifice as since then Yavatia and Torberias relationship has been emaculate. The war prompted the 1943 Yavatiak militia autonomoy referendum which resulted in a a reigning back of the militias, however, this was overturned later in the 1960 Yavatiak militia autonomoy referendum. A 3rd referendum on the issue was held in 1978 following the 1978 Torberian Yavatiat conflict between National Constantist elements of the TVPM and the Inertanionalist Constantists, but it was voted down with a slim margin of 51.01% against. The issue of the militias relevance in Yavatiak society has remained a hot topic in Yavatiak society.

Stages
Becoming a Yavatiak citizen or living in Yavatia is an extremely difficult and painstaking process. Due to its insistence upon political near-perfection, the further one can go into the territory depends on the education and upbringing one has received over the course of their lifetime. Progression from one sector to another is often generational. Citizens are labelled by stages as follows:
 * 1) Craniomodernists: Technically, any individual who identifies with the concepts of craniomodernity, constantisation or intellectual perpetuity in some way or other can legally be considered a Yavatiak. This is largely for ceremonial purposes, but in some places allows the individual to identify as "Yavatiak" in place of their ethnic group on forms and applications if they so please (so as to avoid prejudice and discrimination on a ethnic basis), and it also allows the Yavatiak embassy to grant them refuge in case of political persecution. Individuals do not need to register in advance to take the label, although it might help to have proof of commitment to the principles should there be major backlog for the benefits.
 * 2) CHLCO Members: If you are a member of a political party, organisation, charity, non-profit or think tank that is fully part of your nation's Coalition of Hyper-Leftist and Craniomodern Organisations (CHLCO), you automatically have a vote in every regional, national, and international CHLCO, which passes resolutions through liquid democracy. In order to propose regional and community resolutions, one must have a seconder, and more of a team for national and international resolutions respectively. CHLCO members also receive all the benefits of being craniomodernists, and can often be elected to political office in their respective home countries.
 * 3) Yavatiak Volunteers: Any CHLCO member can become a resident in their home country's regional or national Yavatiat through their regional or national CHLCO respectively. This status entitles a citizen of this type to free travel and residence within their assigned Yavatiat, as well as access to the collective property of the Yavatiat. Being a volunteer may involve helping to raise and educate the children of that Yavatiat, acting as a tour guide or supervisor for visitors, or other infrastructural work, and requires the trust of CHLCO to appropriately suppress and control the more hierarchical instincts and facets of their subconscious. Volunteers remain members of CHLCO.
 * 4) Outer Yavatiak Residents: Aside from in certain circumstances such as those of protected cultural and ethnic identities, this status may only be granted to children who have been raised and educated thoroughly through the various Yavatiats around the world. Again aside from exceptions where hierarchical influence is deemed to be too prominent, most children raised in Yavatiats gain this status for adulthood and for their children. Being a resident of Outer Yavatia allows you to live, work, and travel freely around the mainland territory, volunteering in similar tasks to the Yavatiak Volunteers, gaining access to both the collective property of Yavatia, and also gaining a vote for Yavatia's national and regional liquid democracy. All residents are also members of CHLCO Global.
 * 5) Inner Yavatiak Residents: The final stage of Yavatiak citizenship is free travel on the boat over to the isle of Inner Yavatia, and ability to reside there and volunteer as appropriate, including in helping the CHLCO liquid democracy function as efficiently as possible (it is on the island where the "capital" is based). Thought to be the closest to pure subconscious communists of all Yavatiaks, these residents are anointed through Yavatia's national liquid democracy and are usually granted to most of the childless residents of Outer Yavatia. Most inner residents often return to the mainland so as to raise their children where infrastructure is in place, however.

Some other nations and political perspectives, including some craniomodernists and CHLCO members dislike this system, believing it to be too exclusivist and elitist. However the conditions and opportunities of Inner and Outer Yavatia are very comparable, and therefore do not stray from the Yavatiak principles of direct democracy, collectivism, or egalitarianism.

Subsidiary Yavatiats
While the Yavatiats in areas controlled by constantists, such as the island of Cutal, focus on national as opposed to international constantisation, almost all Yavatiats contribute to the international Yavatiat. In particular since the resurgence of left-wing ideas in Sentryzija, the number of Yavatiats have massively increased, in particular in Kostenia, where 15 exist currently. Each is run by Yavatiak volunteers, either CHLCO members from Yavatia itself or CHLCO members from the surrounding capitalist environment (so long as the problematic elements are suppressed). These Yavatiats vary in size and cultural orientation, but are generally mostly self-sufficient, isolated communities that receive supplies from the international Yavatiat (Yavatia). Some focus on specific cultures such as the subculture of the Kostenian miners as a key example, and especially in hostile territories, the Yavatiats are attached to embassies for diplomatic legality. The infrastructure of most Yavatiats is mostly quite basic, but the international Yavatiat help in each case to secure a high quality of life is assured on each. There are countless Yavatiats all across the world, including multiple in certain countries.

Foreign Service
Most of those who leave Yavatia each year leave for diplomatic missions, but others also leave to volunteer on subsidiary Yavatiats or to travel temporarily. Many Yavatiaks and craniomodernists generally serve in three major operations: humanitarian aid, constantist political parties, and the Yavatiak diplomatic service.

Around 55% of all Yavatiaks will, at some point in their lifetime, leave the country temporarily to assist in provision of humanitarian, mutual aid and direct action. Yavatiak aid convoys are well-known for being extremely dilligent, effective, and prompt at responding to a tragedy. Part of this is indeed to legitimately help the people living in poorer environments, however it also serves a recruitment process. "Yavatiak missionaries", who travel around the world to aid poor communities, often aim to popularise the closest Yavatiat and increase favourability of constantist political parties. In some cases, they are viewed as saints and selfless humanitarians, but to others, they are seen as manipulative infiltrators and part of a Yavatiak conspiracy for hegemony over the world (which of course is a complete misreading of the aims of worldwide craniomodernity, for shared, non-hierarchical prosperity. Lana Ura, Esgaard Kanedaar, and Matilda Benes were all the most well-known Yavatiak missionaries of their times, but only the latter has been recognised as a member specifically of Yavatia's foreign service.

There are many differing perspectives and styles of Yavatiak missionary activity. The missionary-turned-theorist Inger Hardin, for instance, recounts his own style in his book, Real Joy (1943), in which he argues that the obsession with material goods and commodities can only be countered by Yavatiak missionaries finding and staging naturally fulfilling activities, such as watching the sun set or painting a community mural together. Hardin's approach has however been criticised as too rigidly structured, too universalistic, and risks appearing hierarchical, with the missionary appearing more like an activities director. Benes, in contrast, instead utilised the "immersion method", in which she integrates completely into the lives, cultures, and activities of the place she's visiting, bonding in particular with the children.

Often thanks to the positive reputation garnered by the Yavatiak missionaries, many constantists currently occupy the political scene in many countries, and some Yavatiak residents sometimes leave to assist these movements. The Communist Party of Sentryzijâ is the most well-known example of a constantist political party, and it all of its members, as with any craniomodern organisation, is a constituent organisation within CHLCO. The positions these parties take often vary, including some anti-international Yavatiat stances, although the main goal of encouraging craniomodernity and constantisation is generally uniform. In Cutal, a national craniomodern party is currently in power and is gradually constantising the island through independent, national Yavatiats.

Due to its aid and presence in debate, Yavatia has an embassy and diplomatic relations with almost every country, and hosts reciprocating embassies along its territory's borders. Yavatiak diplomats are stereotypically very pleasant, agreeable people, as they wish to remain good enough relationships with all their neighbours to guarantee their own independence. Sometimes embassies double as Yavatiats as described above.

Defectors
Under 0.05% of those who leave Yavatiak territory each year relinquish any connection to the territory, CHLCO, or craniomodernity generally. These few are deemed to be defectors, but usually leave due to personal or familial circumstances as opposed to any perception of political or economic hardship. For instance, one of the most common reasons that many of these defectors leave, is to inherit property and wealth on the death of a distant relative - individualised inheritance and property is subject to immediate nationalisation, socialisation, democratisation, and communalisation if the recipient remains in Yavatia. However, leaving Yavatia on this premise is still extremely rare, as most Yavatiaks view life in Yavatia as preferable even to the life of a mega-capitalist.

Other defectors involve investigative "journalists" and spies that have been promised a better life in smearing Yavatia for foreign governments. Due to the thoroughness of the process to become a resident even in Outer Yavatia, this usually involves a sabotaged Yavatiat and an intergenerational conspiracy that is immediately clamped down upon after these extremely rare occurances. A grand total of two Yavatiats since 1933 have had to be restarted due to sabotage of these Yavatiats, and spy infiltration of a usually air-tight system. The first time, one Yavatiat in northern Sued was infiltrated by the Troiyan government, so as to stage a defection 15 years later for propaganda purposes. The other was an infiltration by a tabloid in Aspayn, which wanted to print lies and propaganda against Yavatia and appear semi-legitimate.

While defection is usually followed by thorough investigation into any faulty Yavatiat that may be contaminating Yavatia's communistic structure, it is completely legal to defect from the territory. What is illegal, however, is to be a Yavatiak volunteer with a malevolent agenda, and somehow mask it from detailed inspection. Overall, defection in itself is not really a concern to CHLCO, and approval for the system amongst Yavatiaks is verifiably astoundingly high.

Notable Citizens
Citizens include constantists and craniomodernists from all over the world:

Culture and Ethnic Makeup
The application of the concept of intellectual perpetuity to Yavatia is widely considered to have created and facilitated a cultural golden age in Yavatia. Ethnically, most people in Yavatia are mixed-race in some way or other, and the current cultures are similarly diverse, synthesising existing cultures of immigrants from across the world, with the various local traditions of their new environment.

Prior to the foundation of Yavatia, the few tribes that inhabited the region practiced a form of primitive communism, allowing cultural and social intersection with the immigrating Yavatiaks, however there are also protected reserves as backup for the indigenous population. Close to the border with Torberia, many Yavatiaks are quite ethnically and culturally similiar to Torberians, so this area also has some minor protected status. Here are some of the most well-known existing cultures within Yavatia:

Aqurn-Yavatiak Culture
The Aqurn lifestyle and culture has a notable presence on Inner Yavatia, and also slightly on the westernmost coast of the mainland. Due to the plentiful and exotic terrain, resources and diet is quite fancy, although not exorbitantly so. It is known as by far the most hedonistic culture within Yavatia, but with very open, empathetic and lovingly hospitable people. The Aqurn language is very distinct in its grammar and vocabulary, as it is based primarily on the language of the old Aq tribe. Those of the Aqurn culture are known for their weekly gatherings and festivals, called Dopiasnin. Sometimes anti-Yavatiak propaganda references the behaviours and rituals of the Aqurn culture as proof of Yavatia as a place of "wild primitivism", but this depiction is considered quite hurtful to those who practice Aqurn culture.

Within the Aqurn, child-rearing is extremely collective, and a large majority of those within the Aqurn culture have a small amount of Aq heritage. The Aqurn culture attracts many immigrants from the more liberal and expressive cultures and nations too. Their traditional diet is mostly fruits, roots of nutritious plants which they chew on, and seeds, but also occasionally with fish which is ground into a special paste called Farseli. Much of their artistic and philosophical principles see love, tolerance and unity as an essential part of purpose and truth. The Aq religion, which centers around the 'life flower' or Dolbeti, is sometimes practiced, and views Mother Earth as the sole goddess; she speaks through flowers and rewards the people with good weather and supplies if they take care of her and her people well enough. Flowers are essential to Aqurn dress and are often worn in hair, or on belts around the body.

The Aqurn are not a very literary culture, as most of their folklore is instead performed through dance, acting, and glissandic singing, however important texts such as "The Yavatia Principle" and "Aqurnisand" (the Aq creation myth and history) are available in Aqurn.

Drenot Culture
Drenot is a potent stimulant and hallucinogen that is used and adopted by some Aqurn followers. It is often made into a viscous drink for medicinal, ritual, and recreational purposes. It is largely non-addictive, but is controversial amongst many Aqurn-Yavatiaks nonetheless. Drenot grows mostly only on the Inner Yavatiak island, and so is less common in the original lands of the Aq.

One amplified, secular adaption of Drenot culture is found almost exclusively towards the north of the island and aims to reconnect the usage of Drenot and the hedonistic practices with a more scientific, modern lifestyle. Technology, science and literature, along with a more modern diet, is more common in these communities, although the writing is usually in Yavatiak or Keefescript instead of Aqurn.

Torberian-Yavatiak Culture
Close to the main Torberian checkpoint live a lot of immigrants from Torberia. For many, the region is seen as a sort of Torberian Yavatiat, and because of this many of the immigrants wish to maintain their Torberian national identity. Torberian dress, cuisine and art are all commonplace here, and the area is usually thought of as a little more traditionally conservative than the rest of Yavatia. Most people speak both Yavatiak and Torberian, but Keefescript is not widely spoken. Occasionally when Torberia goes through some kind of historical crisis, the Torberian Yavatiat has accepted a few Torberian left-wing activists - some for a long time, others just temporarily. Many residents follow Szikôjáskitnákt or other Torberian faiths, although also remain committed to ideas of craniomodernity and communist social structures, as Yavatiak citizens. The complex notion of being both fiercely Torberian and Yavatiak at the same time is often the subject of literary commentary.

Yavatiak Mountain Culture
The term "Mountain Yavatiak" is an umbrella term for those of the many differing religions and cultural structures of northeast Yavatia. There are no proper mountains in Yavatia by global standards, however the hilly terrain of the northeast has resulted in the more distinctly nomadic traditions of the people living there. Some mountain cultures bear some resemblance to the culture of Renavina, and the languages of the mountain cultures are all mostly somewhat interrelated. Loyalty and humbleness are some of the defining characteristics of the mountain Yavatiaks, which result in a strong work ethic and determined sincerity. Traditions and rituals are common and frequent, and are all documented religiously by each culture within the region respectively.

While the mountain cultures usually focus more around family units, they are also quite communally oriented for large projects and festivals. The summer, autumn, winter and spring festivals, which are sincere and strictly methodical affairs, are the main times where many inhabitants will come together in a massive group to listen to others who wish to speak or showcase their skills. Sport, music (such as white voice singing, chanting, and performing with crude instruments), and literary achievements are often the focus of such gatherings, due to their value within these cultures. Purpose and truth largely revolve around promotion of their values, traditions and cultures on both a national and international scale. The mountain cuisine is largely based on grilled and smoked meats, and their clothing often resembles the fur coats of steppe cultures further north.

There are many mountain religions that focus on a multitude of different mythologies and philosophies. Many people are polytheistic and follow a distinct pantheon, but others focus more on landscape features and rock formations. These ideas are often transferred to literature, art, music and drama, both in their own languages and in Yavatiak, as well as occasionally Keefescript.

Vash-Yavatiak Culture
Vash-Yavatiak culture, sometimes known as Yavatiak Desert Culture, is essentially the culture of those brave enough to base themselves in the desert, and try to survive. As one might expect, survivalism is at the forefront of most art, literature, philosophy, and ritual. There is an extremely high emphasis amongst Vash-Yavatiak adherents towards cultural individuality, and so the desert region is not home to many families or extroverts. The people are extremely minimalistic and nomadic, using very few to no personal possessions. This minimalism and survivalism is also at the root of much of the standard Vash diet, dress and demeanour. Religious views are uncommon and usage of Keefescript is very prevalent, alongside the Vash language, which is little more than a dialect of Keefescript.

Whilst Vash is most common in the desert, it is also cuturally common in more fertile areas too, and those following a Vash lifestyle tend to often interact with those of other cultures and beliefs. Documenting exploration is an important part of Vash-Yavatiak identity, and often the Vash lifestyle intersects with phenomena such as GST, as many would argue that Vash is more a way of life than a culture.

Sentryzijan-Yavatiak Culture
Due to the presence of CHLCO-linked parties and unions within Sentryzijan politics, there is a large community of immigrants to Yavatia who originally hail from that region, Sentryzija. Some of the first people to conceptualise Yavatia as a nation came from Obradina and Siliksiya, and whilst most immigrants have assimilated into new or indigenous cultures after reaching Yavatia, there are many elements of multiple Sentryzijan cultures that remain present within Yavatia. The recent immigrants from Sentryzija, along with many 2nd and 3rd generation immigrants, still hold an interest in the Sentryzijan political scene, and the community is somewhat divided in its support for figures like Danijal Varisk. Many of the visitors to Yavatia often come from Sentryzija, and many immigrants from Sentryzija often tend to go back occasionally.

Many facets of the most common Sentryzijan religions and cultures can be seen in pockets of Outer Yavatia, especially regarding dress, cuisine, and lifestyle, albeit with the expected craniomodern Yavatiak adaptions. Alongside those who trace their roots back to Obradina, there are also a large amount of descendants from Slova for political reasons, and also from the Troiyan free cities. Many Troiyan craniomodernists must come through the free cities due to Troiya's government's suppression of the philosophy. These cultures are seen most prevalently along the Yavatiak cliffs in the northwest parts of the mainland territory. Much of popular Yavatiak literature is published both in colloquial Yavatiak and Obradinian.

Kostenians have also made up a large percentage of the immigrants to Yavatia, due to their own flourishing communist movement and distaste for Obradinian hegemony, instead wanting an independent Kostenia. The Kostenian immigrants integrated in particular with some of the mountain cultures due to their mining origins back in their homeland, and many plan to return when the revolution comes.

Cutali-Yavatiak Culture
The culture of Cutal, while not exactly Sentryzijan, is in a sense interrelated with Sentryzijan-Yavatiak culture due to the history behind the foundation of Inner Yavatia. The Cutali culture has become a central part of a lot of Yavatiak cuture, including the Yavatiak language. Much of the original Cutali religion and ritual remain very present towards the southwest of the island, where there is a protected region colloquially known as the Cutali Yavatiat. The Cutali-Yavatiak culture is most prominent regarding the work ethic, however elements of Cutali music, cuisine and philosophy are still followed widely by many across the nation. Cutal does not, however, send many more immigrants from its own Yavatiat to Yavatia since the 1930s, as it is currently undergoing constantisation itself. Due to their experiences having been previously enslaved in Sentryzija, however, Cutali-Yavatiaks tend to resemble Sentryzijan-Yavatiaks in terms of social organisation.

Global Scientific Tradition
By far the most prolific cultural label in Yavatia, most Yavatiaks identify in some manner or other (to varying degrees) with what is known as the "Global Scientific Tradition", which can be interpreted by its critics as "lack of a culture". However, those who see the tradition more favourably, especially those in international academia, see the practice of GST in Yavatia as the purest form of rationality, in which almost everything one does and how is based solely on what is most rational. GST strongly opposes religion, ritual and anything else it considers to be superstitious or esoteric. There are very few GST purists, as most use rationality selectively for various issues, but the few that do are only really a phenomenon in Inner Yavatia and some southwestern parts of the mainland territory.

For obvious reasons, GST produces few notable cultural works, but contributes heavily to scientific development, theory and research. Sonul University, built on a floating campus just off the coast of Inner Yavatia, is the only university in Yavatia that strictly adheres to complete GST, and it's also one of just three universities in the country which are open to all foreign students (so long as they stick to campus). It is, of course, extremely prestigious for those of such a mindset, and requires mandatory classes in Keefescript beforehand.

Pluriculturalism
Legally, all Yavatiaks belong to what is known as a "pluricultural nexus", i.e. they are all part of multiple intersecting cultures and subcultures all at the same time, depending on their various social groups and the differing parts to their identity. As a result, very few Yavatiaks are completely and solely adherents of one culture, rather a mix of lots of different cultures depending on context. There are many, many further cultures and subcultures present within Yavatia, and each one (along with each social group generally), has its own liquid democratic structure so as to make and enact collective decisions. However, one can easily retract from these communities should they wish to.

National Anthem
The Yavatiak national hymn, In Perpetuam, was originally composed by the Cutali composer Keler Kistrat on what would become inner Yavatia, in 1899. Kistrat was a celebrated composer and the most famous artist of any kind of that Cutali convoy at the time. This particular tune, whilst not intended for use as a hymn or anthem, was a favourite of Lana Ura's, and hence in 1906 it was chosen to be the Yavatiak national anthem, at Kistrat's funeral. The words, written by constantist immigrant Fwyn Faed, go as follows:

''In the midst of many aeons ''Have we false accumulations ''With their arbitrary damper ''To distort our comprenhesions Maybe we can build up Bridges to a new age ''And show them of our power ''United minds to one page ''Craniomodernity ''Led out of obscurity ''Recreating harmony In Perpetuam

''So go forth and shape our nature ''In our cultural revolutions ''Living freely yet in guidance ''Of our CHLCO resolutions ''We have reached an impasse ''Of hierarchy and ego ''It's time to rise a new world ''Where new generations would grow ''Craniomodernity ''Led out of obscurity ''Recreating harmony In Perpetuam



The Unit
The official Yavatiak currency differs heavily from traditional currency in the sense that it neither exists in notes or coins. The Unit is a digital tally controlled by CHLCO, and historically is extremely stable. Unlike traditional currency, it is not used by individual citizens nor is it used in transaction in the country itself, as within Yavatia the economic system more resembles a gift economy. Instead, it is an indicator of financial credit and debt accrued by the nation from importing and exporting.

The Unit also has some more specific variants, which are agreed upon through liquid democracy. The "Investment Unit", for instance, is a more high-risk fluctuating currency to which a certain amount of Units are ascribed to per year by CHLCO. The "Gamblers' Unit" is an even more extreme version of this, to which very few Units are delegated, but is used for the most risky and weird investments Yavatia makes. The "Currency Unit" is used only for Yavatia to stockpile foreign currency, in case it needs it.

As previously covered, the way and quantity by which Yavatia imports and exports is determined through liquid democracy, as part of the democratisation of production and distribution. However certain Yavatiak citizens, often known as the "Yavatiak Bankers", are very well-respected and often receive delegation from the public for financial decision-making. They are based at Sonul University but are not tied to any one location or institution; some even are CHLCO members outside of Yavatia itself.

As Yavatia is broadly speaking self-sufficient, it has entertained a continuous surplus for 29 years, and as such has repaid any national debt and has large amounts of Units in reserves. These Units are often saved, but a large amount are invested abroad, in foreign projects, currencies and missions. A foreign business or project may often seek Yavatiak investment, as it can be very profitable and prestigious for them, and gives them access to the currency exchange operated by Yavatia's foreign currency stockpiles. However, it requires paying Yavatia dividends as a donation, and is fast-tracked if investees are members of CHLCO. Hence despite Yavatia being undoubtedly communist in its social structure, the Unit and its variants are often sought after by capitalists and stock market speculators, who exchange their home currencies for Units in the hope that the value of the Unit will increase in comparison.

National Festivals
Depending on the various cultures, one can find practically a potential festival for each day in Yavatia, however obviously most of these are extremely obscure and are only practiced on a small community level. In terms of nationally practiced festivals however, the main ones are Foundation Day, which celebrates the day the territory was first procured (29/06), Yavatiak New Year (01/01), and the various seasonal solstices. Extensive holiday displays, something that usually would seem a bit materialistic for Yavatia, often become standard for the first two. Nonetheless, due to the attitudes and approaches to work generally in Yavatia, even these holidays often involve working a little bit as well as celebrating. Music and dance, and all the usual theatrics, can be found at a good Yavatiak festival (as well as usually a buffet of locally sourced foods!). Certain families and cultures have specific rituals and traditions that they uphold, but there are far too many, and too much of a wide range, to put into general terms.

National Languages
Yavatia has two main constructed languages which are used for national business, although conlangs, traditional languages, and specific dialects, are all hugely commonly used.

Yavatiak, the most well-known of the two, is built off of a specific dialect of a now-forgotten Cutalic language, altered to make it as formulaic and rule-abiding as possible. The grammar of Yavatiak is therefore very systematic - every wordstem has verb, noun and adjective adaptations, and numerous conjugations and declensions to apply where necessary. Yavatiak uses similar phonology to most other Velizkan languages.

Keefescript is a conlang designed to be a better, more intellectual and academic form of Yavatiak. It was designed in the same vein as GST, and is treated with a similar academic respect. Keefescript utilises far more phonemes, and is more written than spoken usually. Its grammatical rules are far more specific and prescribed, whereas Yavatiak language is treated more with a descriptivist approach.

Both utilise the same writing scipt. (pic wip)

National Archives
Yavatia has saved a vast collection of important literature, writing, recordings of speeches, music, video, performing arts etc., academic documents, paintings and art, recipes, fashion clothing, literary criticism, festival material, photographs, mythological charts, and much more. It has saved these in many different exhibitions all around the territory, due to having deemed the objects of that area or culture's historical or spiritual significance. One can visit these exhibitions so as to preserve and understand the wealth of cultures practiced all around Yavatia, study them, or simply look out of interest.

All of the main texts, gatherings, and artwork mentioned on this page, for instance, have multiple copies in national archive exhibitions. The full works of Lana Ura, the national anthem, the Deikunder rock carvings, and Aqurnisand, all appear over 400 times.

Yavatiaks can also take brochures and magazines with national archive content in so as to have that information with them when they need it.

National Media
Information about both internal affairs and the outside world is easy to come by in Yavatia. Similar to the platform used for liquid democracy, all Yavatiaks also have an open forum that they can access both to present findings and to give commentary, so the media is in this sense fully democratised. Furthermore, the input from CHLCO members in the diaspora helps to easily submit pages for journals and publications that the open forum sessions often are transcribed into.

The open forum media style covers radio media, televised media, written media and much else. The Yavatiak Press is an internationally renowned entity for journalism and reporting, and again is directed democratically. The oldest journal and newspaper is Pamphlete, which Lana Ura herself famously contributed to, but there are many other formats for news content, including more sensationalist and more satirical options, as well as through different means (television, radio, etc.).

Many missionaries and diplomats abroad, along with diaspora members, are responsible for starting and supporting constantist media organisations. Yavatia supports and directs many of these through CHLCO. These are intended for a foreign audience, and despite many (such as The Daily Spectacle, The Social Guardian, PALISADE magazine, theRedStar and Yavatiak Insights) openly advertising that Yavatia is funding them, others (such as Perception and The Eye) do not. This has meant Yavatiak media is a usual scapegoat of conspiracy theorists and populist leaders who see this as proof of Yavatiak infiltration. All these publications are also available in Yavatia too, but the Yavatiak Press provides media more suited to residents' interests which tend to be more popular.

National Orchestra
Yavatia has a national orchestra, along with youth and child divisions, which are often sent on tour around the world. Alongside traditional symphonic instruments, it is also staffed with more modern pop, rock and techno instruments. It also contains performers of the special "Yavatiak violin", which has five strings and an easier tuning system so as to adjust pitch with the thumb even when playing! This allows for more of the glissandos and pitch bend that a lot of modern Yavatiak music uses. Yavatia's orchestra also play a lot of conceptual, experimental, and atonal music, as these tend to be popular styles among some Yavatiak academics. Aq instruments, such as the Aq drums and pipeflute, are also represented.

National Wildlife
Alongside both Cutali and non-Cutali inhabitants, there are also lots of different animals who live in the Yavatiak territory. There are many different primate species that exist in the Yavatiak wilderness, and due to their frequent interactions with travelers and residents, they tend to be mostly friendly to human beings, and socialised to their cohabitation. Of the chimpanzee population, Yavatia has the highest rate of "Blond Chimps" in the world, at 7% of the total chimp population. The Yavatiak Desert Dog and the Vorept (a sort of large greyish scavenger cat with big fangs and a lolloping run, known for its grin and its role in some mythology as a trickster and charmer) are frequent sights in particular in the south and eastern sections of Yavatia, but they are mostly harmless. The Mountain Bear however, in the northeast, will attack if provoked or if you get too close. There are also many other species of mammals, many of which look slightly derpy, that trot around Yavatia that you might be lucky enough to see. Horses are sometimes used as a means of transported, although they have largely been replaced by bicycles; similarly the Surfwhale used to be domesticated for transport, but have been replaced by boats.

Especially in the Aqu region and Inner Yavatia, the wildlife is very different to that of the rest of the continent. The flowers grow to massive sizes, a petal on some of the largest being as long as a human armspan. They are all very colourful, in particular red and orange, but also some blue and yellow amongst the deep green. In the swamp in particular to the south of Aqu, or the desert, the flora is much less interesting. The Torberian Yavatiat is known for toadstools and daffodils, and the mountains are largely covered with relatively uninteresting weeds. Inner Yavatia is more similar to Aqu, but with its own twists in species types.

Inner Yavatia and Aqu also have remarkably different fauna, with species seen nowhere else in the world. The large majority of these are the types of colourful birds, though there are also different reptiles, fish and amphibians too: the Great Salamander, Silver Turtle and Yavatiak Toad are good examples. There is a coral reef surrounding Inner Yavatia, which may account for a lot of its biodiversity. Large birds such as the Peckadoo and the Gronlin (Dodo-like creatures) are rare but present. On the west coast, gulls and even some large albatrosses sometimes circle the clifftops.

Many animals are domesticated, including some dogs, cats, foxes, rabbits, horses, surfwhales, parrots and goats. In the mountains in particular, the Altegoat has evolved alongside the Deikunder's ancestors, who brought them down to Yavatiak lands, and they make extremely loyal pets used traditionally for scouting. Sheep, pigs, and cattle are sometimes kept for food, but they are not as common as pets. Male boar pigs require a skilled hand to tend, and so "pigminding" is actually a hobby many Yavatiaks like to try.

National Sports and Games
Yavatiaks, due to most of them being quite genetically mixed, tend to be relatively decent in sports and physical abilities, but usually don't have stand out biology in this regard. Yavatia does have national teams and squads for most sporting activities, and has produced a few notable athletes though, due to the ability of sportspeople in Yavatia to focus on their respective activities. It participates in international tournaments, but also there are exhibitions and demonstrations occasionally across the territory, just for fun - one example is a Yavatiak form of rounders which is popular amongst children. The exception is with boxing, wrestling, and martial arts, which is seen as slightly more unfavourable in Yavatia due to the nature of its objectives. Those who do partake in these things, however, can be staunch advocates of changing these preconceptions. The Cutali community are often stand-out sportspeople by Yavatiak standards.

Especially in university and GST circles, strategy, mental and psychological games are extremely popular. Both chess and Yavatiak chess are very common pursuits amongst resident citizens, and Yavatia is famous in its designing and manufacture of complex board and roleplay games. Some Yavatiak aspiring game designers also try designing their own niche sports too, but these don't tend to catch on much in popularity. More recently, some Yavatiak computer scientists are looking into the potential of computer technology for games, communication and other such past-times - in particular after seeing the breakthroughs in this industry from Torberia.

National Tourism Campaign
It is possible to go take a look at all the great stuff done in Yavatia even if you aren't a Yavatiak resident. However, you must go around with a tour guide unless you have a special CHLCO-issued permit to go around on your own. This is to be as transparent as possible as to what Yavatia is like (Lana Ura saw visiting as "demonstrable proving" the vision of The Yavatia Principle has indeed materialised), but without giving tourists the ability to alter or sabotage the existing ecosystem. Nonetheless, tourism to Yavatia is very popular, and is responsible in part for much of the rising international constantist sentiment of the world.